Myanmar's Rohingya population has been suffering greatly since sectarian violence broke out in the state of Rakhine, also known as Arakan, in June. The riots began with the alleged rape and murder of an ethnic Rakhine girl by men who were reportedly Muslim, triggering a backlash by Rakhine's Buddhist majority on the Rohingya, in the form of massacres and arson attacks on homes, mosques, and businesses.

Official reports from Myanmar's government have kept the death toll at about 80 since June, but estimates from rights groups say that hundreds, if not tens of thousands, have been killed, and the UNHCR estimates that 80,000 have been displaced, either internally or as refugees to Bangladesh and other countries.

Link TV's LinkAsia has covered the developments concerning the Rohingya since the unrest in June, but the plight of the Rohingyas has also garnered much attention in the Middle East, namely because the group suffering from persecution is historically Muslim. And although the violence in Rakhine State was targeted at Rohingyas, it was also directed towards Muslims in general.

Mosaic has focused on the Middle Eastern and Muslim angles of the conflict, such as Bangladesh's rejection of Rohingya refugees, protests by Iranian students in front of the UN office in Tehran, and the many demonstrations in Indonesia, where Muslim activists in Jakarta have called for Myanmar's suspension from ASEAN, the expulsion of the Myanmar ambassador from Jakarta, and more international action on the issue.

The Rohingyas have been considered foreigners in Myanmar for decades. In 1982, the government passed a law that effectively rendered them stateless. Myanmar considers the ethnic group of 800,000 to be British colonial-era illegal immigrants from Bangladesh, calling them "Bengali Muslims" in official releases. However, Bangladesh, a majority Muslim country itself, considers the Rohingyas to be Burmese, and has sent boatloads of refugees back to Myanmar, citing a dearth of resources. Bangladesh has also prevented humanitarian aid groups from continuing to work with the Rohingyas, fearing that the provisions would draw more refugees to the already-impoverished country.

Two of ASEAN's largest Muslim-majority countries, Indonesia and Malaysia, have offered to directly assist the Rohingyas. Indonesia, which boasts the largest Muslim population in the world, has also vowed to raise the topic of the Rohingya at the Organization of Islamic Cooperation's next summit in Mecca next week. Saudi Arabia, which hosts the OIC and reportedly has a Rohingya population of hundreds of thousands, recently condemned Myanmar for what it called the Rohingyas' "ethnic cleansing," and the OIC's Turkish chief, Ekmeleddin Ihsanoglu, has followed suit.

Unfortunately, countries and organizations willing to help are finding the refugees difficult to reach. Myanmar and Bangladesh have both restricted aid to their Rohingya populations, leaving the displaced people to fend for themselves. Some Burmese groups have skirted the issue by collecting money for the Rakhine "fire victims," without mentioning the sectarian violence that led to the fires. However, with a severe dearth of food and medical services, Rohingya refugees and internally displaced persons are currently struggling to survive. This scene is sadly all too similar to the persecution they have suffered for years, with a similar lack of international empathy.

Image: Amena Akter, a Rohingya from Myanmar cries as she holds her six-day old son, Sangram in the office of the Bangladesh Coast Guard in Teknaf June 19, 2012: REUTERS/Andrew Biraj

This week, Amnesty International called on Bahraini authorities to release all "prisoners of conscience" ahead of the appeals of nine medical workers and human rights activist Nabeel Rajab. In light of the ongoing developments in Bahrain, here is a rundown of relevant events, activists, groups, and places that have been featured on Mosaic in recent months.

The Arab Spring swept Bahrain in March 2011 with a series of demonstrations calling for greater political freedoms and more equality for the Shia Muslim minority. The government brutally suppressed the movement, resulting in the deaths of two protestors during rallies on February 14. The protestors' funerals led to an occupation of Manama's iconic Pearl Roundabout, which was destroyed by Bahraini security forces in a deadly raid on February 17. This sparked an uprising that is still underway, with the goal of bringing down King Hamad's regime.

The disheartening lack of change in the status quo since then has been attributed to multiple factors, notably neighboring Saudi Arabia's support of the regime, but also the overwhelming international silence on the issue. Global attention has been drawn away from Bahrain to similar uprisings in the region, and a media blackout, coupled with a crackdown on social media activists by Bahraini regime forces, keeps Bahrain's troubles out of the spotlight.

Activists

Nabeel Rajab: He is the president of the Bahrain Center for Human Rights (BCHR), and was arrested multiple times this April during protests against the Bahrain Grand Prix. Al Jazeera English has called him the "unofficial leader of the February 14 Movement." In early July, he was re-arrested shortly after posting anti-regime messages on his Twitter account, @NABEELRAJAB.

Abdulhadi Alkhawaja: He is the co-founder and former president of the BCHR. He was sentenced to life imprisonment in June 2011, and famously underwent a 110-day hunger strike that lasted until May 2012 to protest his sentence and draw international attention to Bahrain.

Zainab and Maryam Alkhawaja: The daughters of Abdulhadi Alkhawaja are prominent rights activists themselves. In May, Zainab was interviewed on Democracy Now! with Mr. Rajab following a recent arrest, and Maryam spoke at the UNHRC during Bahrain's human rights review. They tweet in both Arabic and English, as @AngryArabiya and @MARYAMALKHAWAJA respectively.

Groups

Al-Wefaq: This Shiite group is the largest political party in Bahrain, but is often outvoted by coalition Sunni parties. They, along with the February 14 Movement, have organized numerous demonstrations against the regime, despite a ban on rallies by the Interior Ministry. They are guided by their spiritual leader, Sheikh Issa Qassim.

February 14 Movement: This opposition youth group is led by anonymous social media activists. It was named after the date the popular uprising began, which was also the tenth anniversary of a charter that ended Bahrain's 1990s uprising and returned it to constitutional rule. The group has no set political or religious affiliations, but has organized marches with al-Wefaq.

Al-Khalifa Family: Bahrain's ruling family has managed to hold on to power in the midst of the unrest, with their Saudi-backed security forces repeatedly quelling the uprisings, but there is growing evidence of internal conflict.

Places

Eastern Province, Saudi Arabia: Like 70 percent of Bahrain's population of 1.3 million, Saudi Arabia's largest province consists primarily of Shia Muslims who speak Bahrani Arabic, and most of its 4.2 million people share intimate historical and cultural ties with Bahrainis. Demonstrations in this region have been similarly suppressed by the Saudi military.

Saudi Arabia: On March 2011, Bahraini authorities called on the mostly Saudi Arabian Peninsula Shield Forces to help contain the uprising in their country. This May, Saudi and Bahraini officials proposed incorporating Bahrain into Saudi Arabia to formalize their growing alliance, but the planned move was met with widespread condemnation.

United States: The US has enjoyed a close military relationship with Bahrain since the 1990s, and the US Navy has been stationed in the strategic Gulf country for several decades. This may have something to do with the superpower's silence on the unrest in Bahrain so far, much to the chagrin of rights activists.

Image: Bahraini protestors marching for prisoners of conscience, July 25, 2012: Al-Alam

After over 20 years, Sudanese citizens are finally rising up against Omar al-Bashir and his one-party rule. Even a month ago, some Sudanese activists were skeptical that an "Arab Spring"-style revolution could blossom in their country. After all, the Sudanese government has shown that it is willing and able to commit human rights abuses to stay in power; dissenters have kept silent for decades in fear of retribution. So what happened, and why now?

To put it simply: Oil. The secession of the South left Sudan with only 30 percent of its oil production capacity, and the drop in government oil export revenues has resulted in a staggering budget deficit of over USD 2 billion and growing. In mid-June, the Sudanese government announced a new set of austerity measures that included increasing taxes and removing fuel subsidies, which doubled gasoline prices and thus transportation costs. This sharp rise in basic living expenditures was the final straw for an already impoverished nation.

However, it has been Sudan's educated youth who have led the charge. Students from the University of Khartoum were the first to hold protests against the austerity measures, and students from other universities have followed suit. Going back even further, in 2009 a group of students in Khartoum started the peaceful Girifna ("We are fed up") movement, in protest of the National Congress Party's monopoly over the Sudanese government. This group, along with other youth opposition groups, has risen to prominence during the recent protests, thanks to their multilingualism and their savvy use of the Internet to mobilize demonstrators both at home and abroad.

These young people know that Sudan does not have to resort to such drastic measures in order to meet its USD 2 billion deficit. In fact, the government can save five times that amount by cutting military spending. But the Sudanese are beginning to understand that the current regime may not be willing to solve this crisis by giving up the military might that has kept them in power for so long. For example, Friday's Dubai TV report on the arrests of Sudanese protestors in the name of "maintaining security" and fighting terrorists" draws some worrisome parallels to other regimes. This oppressive might, wielded by a man who is wanted by the International Criminal Court, has also alienated Sudan from countries that would otherwise be willing to help. And so, faced with a choice between starving slowly and risking their lives for change, the Sudanese people have begun to rise up.

Whether this budding uprising will take root and achieve its goals remains to be seen. The international community has remained quiet for now. But drawing worldwide attention to this crisis, whether it be through the media, business, or politics, will be crucial in pressuring Khartoum to serve the interests of its people. If that pressure is not enough, one can only hope that the world will not stand idly by and watch another Syria take place.

Image: People wait to get fuel for their cars at a petrol station in Khartoum June 21, 2012: REUTERS/Stringer