For the first time since the region's popular uprising erupted, protestors in Yemen and Syria unified the slogan of this Friday's protest. Masses rallied in both countries under the banner "Victory for Our Syria and Our Yemen," and chanted in solidarity with each other's struggle.

(Sana'a, Yemen. Reuters/Ahmed Jadallah)

In a May 16, 2011, op-ed published by the New York Times, de facto Palestinian President Mahmoud Abbas made the case for the "long overdue Palestinian state," explaining his intention to present a formal request for full UN membership for a state of Palestine based on the 1967 borders with East Jerusalem as its capital.

On September 4, a blue chair, dubbed the flying chair, started touring UN Security Council member states, before landed at the UN headquarters in New York ahead of the opening of the UN’s 66th general assembly. Citing failed peace negotiations with Israel and a right to self-determination, the Palestinian delegation's diplomatic efforts to rally votes for statehood were launched and continued unabated despite the US' threat to veto the bid and Israel's warnings of "dire consequences."

The US and Israel maintain the Palestinian Authority's unilateral move undermines negotiations towards a two-state solution, with Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu pressing for the resumptions of talks with no preconditions. On September 16, the PM's office tweeted: "When the PA will abandon its futile steps, such as going to the UN, it will find Israel as a partner for direct negotiations for peace."

The Palestinian Authority managed to unify Arab governments in support of its initiative, gathered the conditional support of a divided European Union, and the endorsement of Russia and China, but the reality is that nothing will change on the ground for Palestinians who will remain under the occupation and control of Israel as the expansion of illegal settlements in the West Bank and East Jerusalem continues.

Furthermore, Abbas admitted that even more "difficult times" await the Palestinians with possible financial retaliation and punitive action expected from both the US and Israel, with the latter threatening to annex parts of the West Bank.

However, state-run media across the Middle East has shied away from discussing opposition to the PA's gamble with the Palestinian people's rights but the online community has vehemently expressed its dismay at what it views as the irresponsible action of an illegitimate authority. 

The Palestinian Youth Movement issued a harsh statement against the proposal, accusing it to be "a mechanism for rescuing the faulty peace framework and depoliticizing the struggle for Palestine by removing the struggle from its historical colonial context."

On Facebook, a page titled "Palestinians against the so-called September Statehood" garnered almost 3,500 supporters while the "Palestine poster" page featured pleas to stop the "State of September," since Abbas was "going to the UN to demand [his] right and relinquish what remains of yours."

On Twitter, critics of the UN initiative lashed out using hashtag #fakestatehood. Palestinian-American journalist Ali Abunimah expressed pride for having "been one of the first to expose the Abbas PA #fakestatehood bid for the anti-Palestinian deception and fraud that it is." 

A Palestinian law student equated the occupation and its collaborators. She tweeted: "We will never end the Israeli occupation if we cannot revolt against the local authorities that enforce it. While the Alan Dershowitz parody account promised his "100,000th follower will get a relatively new blue swivel chair signifying nothing and representing no one."

Across different online platforms, the recurring theme was objection to an initiative whose content has not been disclosed to the people it impacts, likening it to the Oslo Accords that were reached without public knowledge of the agreement's terms. 

Another essential issue was raised by many, including a blogger in the UK, who used hashtag #IOpposeSeptemberBid to send the message that "Palestine is not just Gaza & the West Bank - but all those living in the 'Diaspora' & refugee camps."  This raises the question of who is entitled to represent the Palestinian people. 

A legal opinion by Oxford University professor, Guy Goodwin-Gill, challenged the legitimacy of the PA and warned that the interests of the Palestinian people are at "risk of prejudice and fragmentation."

A report from the International Crisis Group titled "Curb your enthusiam: Israel and Palestine after the UN", describes the path to the UN as "a tale of collective mismanagement," indicating that if the Palestinians "choose to rise up, it will be because of the entrenched and seemingly unmoveable realities of occupation, not because of what happens or not as a result of a UN vote," pointing to the irrelevant if not "counterproductive" bid. 

So without a unified national strategy and with pending questions about the future of the Palestine Liberation Organization and the refugees' right of return, will the PA's symbolic action jeopardize the Palestinian people's struggle and rights? And in the aftermath of the Palestine Papers that unveiled how quickly the PA is willing to simply give away its people's rights, are Abbas' political theatrics an attempt to hold on to his own chair in light of the popular intifada rocking the region?

Tunisian rapper Hamada Ben Amor, known as El Général, released "Rayes Lebled'' or "Head of State" around the same time as Mohamed Bouazizi's self-immolation. El Général's song spoke out against the now former Tunisian President Zine El Abidine Ben Ali and has been labeled the "rap song that sparked a revolution."

Following the success of the Tunisian uprising, Palestinian artists joined forces to honor the Tunisian people with a song entitled "Green Revolution." Rapper Mahmoud Jrere from pop-rap group DAM thanked the Tunisians for giving them hope "instead of depression and boredom from politicians," as Mahmoud Darwish wondered "how can we be cured from our love for Tunisia?" and ended the song by admitting "we love you Tunisia more than we thought we knew."

Central Cairo's Tahrir or Liberation Square was the Egyptian uprising's battleground that remained relatively peaceful. For 18 days, videos exhibiting the Egyptian people's humor and love of music went viral on YouTube. The song in the video below was sung by protestors camped out at the square, addressing former President Hosni Mubarak.

After the people toppled Hosni Mubarak, a group of "several notable musicians from North America teamed up to release a song of solidarity and empowerment." Their song is entitled #Jan25, in reference to the Egyptian protest hashtag that was trending on Twitter at the time. The artists said, "this track serves as a testament to the revolution's effect on the hearts and minds of today's youth, and the spirit of resistance it has come to symbolize for oppressed people worldwide."

Libya's struggle for freedom and democracy began on February 17. In an effort to mobilize the youth, Tripoli rapper Ibn Thabit released a song titled "Call to the Libyan Youth" inviting them to "live standing up on [their] feet, not on [their] knees." (Full translation here)

In a humorous reprise of Tracy Chapman's classic “Talkin 'Bout A Revolution,” Israeli band Shmemel talked about “An Arab Revolution.” The 10-member group displayed solidarity with the Arab uprising through a video that is steeped in orientalist imagery. Shmemel allied itself with those fighting for "freedom" and "liberation," and identified with the struggle against "people who are trying to bring us down from Washington to Tel Aviv to Tehran," offering listeners an uncommonly heard Israeli voice.

At the height of the 2006 Lebanon-Israel war when over 300 Lebanese civilians had been killed, then U.S. Secretary of State Condoleezza Rice rejected calls for an immediate ceasefire, which she described as a "false promise." In justifying the Bush administration's position and its general policy of democracy promotion, Rice described Lebanon's plight as part of the "birth pangs of a new Middle East."

Whether U.S. foreign policy has rationalized violence and war as the price for the right kind of change or supported corrupt and tyrannical regimes under the false assumption that it is preventing the Islamists' ascension to power, the result has been one and the same: the U.S. has stood strong in the face of progress. It could also be argued that it is partly to blame for causing the Middle East to miss Democracy's Third Wave. Western nations fear that regime change – of mostly authoritarian governments – could lead to chaos, but their attempt to maintain stability and order has come at the expense of the people's quest for not only better economic opportunities and political reform, but also dignity.

In December 2010, a different kind of birth pangs was ignited by the self-immolation of a young unemployed Tunisian man in Sidi Bouzid. His cry of desperation led a people fed up with poor living conditions, rampant corruption, and high unemployment to rise up. The subsequent series of street demonstrations that erupted across Tunisia led to the collapse of President Zine El Abidine Ben Ali's secular dictatorship. The ousting of Ben Ali sent shockwaves across undemocratic regimes throughout the Middle East and unleashed a wave of self-immolations in a number of countries. In Egypt, the fear of copycat suicide attempts led the government to "[forbid] gas stations to sell to people not in cars and placed security agents wielding fire extinguishers outside government offices," according to Twitterers.

As Egyptians took to the street, their supporters followed hashtag Jan25 and watched in amazement as thousands defied police in what was dubbed the "Day of Rage". YouTube videos allowed viewers to witness a brave young man stare down a water cannon to cheers of "ya gada'a" or "you brave one" and hear thousands chant slogans pleading: “Leave, leave, leave, for good, let our country see the light." Yesterday's particularly violent repression against anti-government demonstrators in the port city of Suez and the fierce level of resistance there led some to label the city Egypt's Sidi Bouzid.

Despite the government's efforts to hamper organizing by cutting off internet service, suspending cell and landline phone service and imposing a curfew, Egyptians continued to march in the thousands. For the fourth consecutive day, enraged Egyptians defied authorities again through another "Day of Rage."

Understandably, a succession of observers immediately pointed to the different economic, social, and political realities in Tunisia in contrast to Egypt, Jordan, or Yemen. However, one thing is certain: their people all share the same grievances. Oppressed people everywhere are watching as the Arab world's yearning for political reform and social justice has been awakened.

The refrain heard on the street is that Tunisian air is blowing towards the people of the Middle East and North Africa. This unprecedented infectious mobilization has made it obvious that people are no longer willing to be ruled by either authoritarian regimes or religious fundamentalists. Now more than ever, it seems that a youth-led revolutionary movement is indeed the only way to enact an empowering change that serves the needs of all citizens.

As of today, shaken Arab rulers will think twice before underestimating their people again. Regardless of whether Egypt's President Hosni Mubarak joins Tunisia's Ben Ali in Saudi Arabia and despite the fact that it is too early to predict if these uprisings will mark the Middle East's own Autumn of Nations, it is safe to say these movements have already inspired millions by displaying the power of grassroots activism.

Tunisian poet Abu al-Qasim al-Shabi's verse "When people decide to live, destiny shall obey, and one day…the slavery chains must be broken" has never seemed more relevant than today.

For a number of Arab countries, including Bahrain, Jordan, and Egypt, 2010 witnessed yet another round of disappointing parliamentary elections.  

In all three countries, ruling parties faced serious competition from the opposition. However, as elections neared and campaigns heated up, the undermining of opposition parties intensified. The authoritarian regimes' methods ranged from media censorship and mass arrests to violent crackdowns.

On October 23, 2010, Bahrain, the only Gulf state that allows political organizations known as "societies," held its third parliamentary elections. The predominantly Shiite Gulf state, ruled by a Sunni government, managed to pull off a reasonably free but unfair election. Granted, no reports of direct electoral fraud emerged after the election but it was preceded by a crackdown on government critics, a clampdown on the media, the intimidation of opposition members, and arrest of prominent activists.

Undeterred, the Shiite-led Wefaq Party participated and swept 18 of the 40-seat Council of Representatives. But for Bahrain’s Shiite majority that has long complained of discrimination in accessing government jobs and housing, the election did not lead to a change in the political makeup of the government since the members of the upper house, Bahrain’s main legislative body, are directly appointed by the king.

Unlike Bahrain where main opposition group Al-Wefaq and Sunni Islamist groups Al-Asalah and Al-Menbar participated in the elections, Egypt and Jordan’s opposition parties chose to boycott theirs. The hope that elections in those two countries might provide a glimpse into democratization in the Middle East were quickly dashed as the rigging or manipulation of the vote was carefully crafted long before election day. 

On November 9, 2010, Jordan held parliamentary elections that were also perceived as free but unfair. The Jordanian government passed a new electoral law earlier that year that was viewed by the opposition as favoring tribal allegiances at the expense of political and social platforms. This led the Muslim Brotherhood and its political wing, the Islamic Action Front, to boycott the elections citing a “lack of genuine desire for reform” on the part of the government.

As a result, loyalists to Jordan's King Abdullah II and tribal-affiliated candidates won most of the upper and lower house seats. And although the boycott damaged the credibility of the elections, the royal family was able to cling on to power domestically while preserving its democratic image internationally.

On November 28, 2010, Egypt held its parliamentary elections after violently clamping down on the opposition. In the weeks and months leading up to the parliamentary election, the government carried out wide-scale sweeps, targeting members and supporters of the outlawed Muslim Brotherhood. Despite the latter's participation in the first round, it failed to secure any seats, citing vote rigging, fraud and ballot stuffing. 

Both the liberal Wafd Party and the Muslim Brotherhood boycotted the run-off round on December 5, 2010 and with 97 percent control of the People's Assembly, President Hosni Mubarak’s ruling National Democratic Party managed to further tighten its grip on power in Egypt.

The electoral farce held in Bahrain, Jordan, and Egypt is part of what has become a familiar political game aimed at diffusing Arab anger and frustration with stagnating and unpopular regimes. Indeed, Arabs are growing tired of meaningless elections that merely offer a facade for change but leave them even more cynical about the possibility of a democratic transition of power.  

The Economist Intelligence Unit’s Democracy Index for 2010 classified all three countries as “authoritarian” and the Middle East and North Africa region as the most repressive globally. How much longer will these crumbling regimes be able to quell popular mobilization? And if boycotting campaigns keep on failing to delegitimize these regimes, one has to wonder what opposition parties will do next.

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